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    <title>Journal of Modern Researches in Islam and Iran History Studies</title>
    <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/</link>
    <description>Journal of Modern Researches in Islam and Iran History Studies</description>
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    <pubDate>Fri, 20 Feb 2026 00:00:00 +0330</pubDate>
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    <item>
      <title>The custom of kissing the ground, kissing the feet, and prostrating before the Safavid Shah</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_736012.html</link>
      <description>One of the ancient traditions in the ceremony of honoring the presence of the Iranian kings was bowing and reverence by the guests. This bowing took various forms, such as bowing the head and waist, kneeling until it fell to the ground, and kissing the ground or the hands and feet of the king. In the Safavid era, such a custom of kissing the hands and feet and kissing the ground was also common, and the Safavid opponents interpreted it as prostration before the kings and considered it an example of disbelief and rejection of the Safavids. In this article, based on library studies and a descriptive-analytical method, the manners of attendance before the Safavid kings are examined. Was the tradition of kissing the ground and feet common or was it a type of prostration meaning worship of the Safavid kings? The findings of the study show that the custom of bowing and bowing in the Safavid court was common in order to show the glory and greatness of the kings in front of others, by bowing down, kissing the feet, and kissing the ground. The Qizilbas' falling to the ground and rubbing their foreheads on the ground was not an order from the kings as a form of prostration to a servant, but rather a demonstration of the disciples' passion and devotion to the king-teacher and a sign of their loyalty and Sufism (one-sidedness and one-heartedness).</description>
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    <item>
      <title>Analyzing the conflicting roles of Ibn Shihab Zuhri as a scholar of the Ummah and an agent of the Caliphate, relying on the opinions of Steven Judd</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_732517.html</link>
      <description>This article, based on Steven Judd's analytical framework in his book Religious Scholars and the Umayyads, examines the conflict between Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri's roles as a "scholar of the community" and an "agent of the Umayyad Caliphate." The main question of the research is how Zuhri remained the preserver and transmitter of the Prophet's and Companions' traditions and acted in different roles in the service of the Umayyad Caliphs, and what impact did this duality have on his hadith legacy and scholarly status? Using the method of historical analysis and supplementing Steven Judd's data through favorable and unfavorable sources and criticizing some reports against Zuhri, the research shows that he operated in an area of ​​unavoidable tensions between scholarly responsibility to the Muslim community and political obligations in the service of the Umayyad Caliphate. Zuhri's solution to this conflict was pragmatic management. On the one hand, while preserving and transmitting the tradition of the Prophet and his companions, he gained extraordinary scientific credibility and even acted insistently in narrating some narrations in support of the Ahl al-Bayt (a.s.) or criticizing the behavior of the caliphs. On the other hand, he was influenced by political authority in some cases, and loyalty to the Umayyads led him to accept some positions, participate in succession plots, and most importantly, conceal some narrations of the Seerah and follow the caliphs' orders to compile written hadith. This study concludes that Zuhri should not be considered simply a court scholar or a forger of hadiths. He is a symbol of a new model in the relationship between knowledge and power, leaving behind a dual but decisive legacy.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ali Akbar Davar and his role in authoritarian state-building during the Reza Shah era</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_733647.html</link>
      <description>As one of the main technocrats of Reza Shah's government, Ali Akbar Davar played an important role in advancing the project of state-building and the concentration of political power, and implemented extensive reforms in the areas of legislation, judicial organization, and administrative bureaucracy. This article, using a descriptive-analytical approach and relying on library sources and historical documents, examines Ali Akbar Davar's intellectual personality, political mentality, and position in the authoritarian state-building process of Reza Shah's era. The main issue of the research is how Davar's institutional reforms were related to political development and social participation. The hypothesis of the article is based on the fact that Davar represented a type of authoritarian and technocratic modernization that, emphasizing institutional efficiency and the concentration of power, pursued legal reforms without sufficient attention to institutionalizing political participation and ensuring civil liberties. The research findings show that Ali Akbar Davar was, on the one hand, the architect of modern legal and judicial institutions, and on the other hand, a victim of the same authoritarian state structure that he himself played a fundamental role in forming and consolidating.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A look at the cultural and art-loving activities of Mohammad Qoli Khan Ilkhani Qashqai</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_735128.html</link>
      <description>Mohammad Qoli Khan Qashqai (1283-1224 AH) was the son of Jani Khan of the Shahi Lu (Jani Khan Lu) family. He held the position of Ilbeigi and Ilkhanid of the Qashqai tribe and the province of Fars. Mohammad Qoli Khan was considered an influential person in the Qajar period, politically and materially. The question in question is what kind of cultural and artistic activities did Mohammad Qoli Khan Ilkhani carry out? The present article is written using library resources (printed sources and manuscripts) and with a descriptive-analytical method. The research findings show that Mohammad Qoli Khan Ilkhani built public and private buildings and gardens in Firuzabad and Shiraz. He was a literate person with a literary taste, especially in poetry, and he was very interested in the arts of calligraphy and painting. One of the characteristics of Mohammad Qoli Khan's artistic and literary taste was his attention to manuscripts; For this reason, copies were copied in his name or at his request. The most prominent example of Mohammad Qoli Khan's love of books is his financial support for Davari Shirazi to complete the book known as Davari's Shahnameh.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The trend of the spread of esotericism in medieval Iran (9th-10th centuries AH)</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_735444.html</link>
      <description>The esoteric approach in later perspectives and then in the fields of Sufism, Imamiyyah and Ismailiyyah led to the growth of esotericism in the 9th and 10th centuries AH with profound and sometimes similar differences. The aim of this research is to analyze the process of expanding the esoteric approach in the mentioned fields and to examine the intellectual connections between these schools. Therefore, by searching for the use of the term esoteric approach in the mentioned fields, it was concluded that how this approach went from limited intellectual reviews to broader circles and reached widespread acceptance. The present research, which was conducted with a fundamental approach and descriptive-analytical method, relying on Persian and Arabic sources and a comparison between the epistemological levels of esotericism, reached the following results: The tendencies of all three fields to be connected to each other were due to the sectional factors of the era, and what caused the connection of esoteric concepts in the three fields was based on the political, cultural and ideological requirements of different periods. The continuity of esoteric concepts in the three areas, despite differences in ontology and interpretive methods between Imamiyya, Ismailiyya, and Sufism, has always existed, and the existence of common concepts, the need for a community space, and the benefit of Shiite dynasties and commanders and rulers of different eras, intensified this multifaceted approach.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Explanation of the narrative of Shahrivar 1320 and the change of monarchy in the Tajaddod-e Iran newspaper</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_735836.html</link>
      <description>World War II was one of the most influential wars in world history. In the first two years of the war, Iran was spared from its direct consequences by declaring neutrality; however, with the expansion of Iran-Germany relations, this policy was violated and the country was practically drawn into the Second World War. Despite extensive censorship during the Reza Shah era, the press played an important role in reflecting developments in Iran and the world. The Tajad Iran newspaper is one of the newspapers of this period that reflects the social and political conditions of that era and reveals the government's positions towards the Allied forces. This research, using the descriptive-analytical method and examining the content of the Tajad Iran newspaper, seeks to explain the military and diplomatic actions of the Allies in Iran and to clarify the dimensions of this war at the same time as Reza Shah's exile. The findings of the article show that the Tajad Iran newspaper in Shahrivar 1320, in addition to representing the political situation of the country before and after the entry of the Allies into Iranian territory, provides valuable reports on the sessions of the parliament and analysis of the situation in Iran in the speeches of representatives. A review of issues of this newspaper reveals the various dimensions of the war and its impact on Iranian politics.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The role of the Shahsavan clan in the First Iran-Russia War</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_733119.html</link>
      <description>The First Iran-Russia War (1218&amp;amp;ndash;1228 AH/1804&amp;amp;ndash;1813 CE) is one of the most important events in the political and military history of Iran during the Qajar era, the consequences of which, beyond the direct confrontation between the two states, profoundly affected the social, economic, and political structures of the border regions. In the meantime, the Shahsavan tribe, as one of the most important border tribes in northwest Iran, played a multidimensional and decisive role. This research, with an analytical and historical approach, examines the contexts for the formation of the role of the Shahsavan tribe and explains its military, political, social, and economic functions during the First Iran-Russia War. The research findings show that the coherent social structure, the economy based on animal husbandry and seasonal migration, accurate geographical knowledge, and historical experience in confronting foreign threats turned the Shahsavan into an efficient force in local defense and logistical support. At the same time, the active participation of this tribe in the war had important consequences such as weakening the economic foundations, decreasing the active population, increasing dependence on the central government, and redefining the political position of the tribal leaders. Although these developments strengthened the security and political role of the Shahsavan in the short term, in the long term they led to changes in the power relations between the state and the tribes and reduced the independence of the tribal structure. The main question of the research is how the First Iran-Russia War redefined the military, political, and social position of the Shahsavan tribe, and what long-term consequences did this redefinition have for the tribal structure and its relations with the Qajar government?</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Supportive and confrontational policies of the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphs in dealing with religions and intellectual movements</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_731478.html</link>
      <description>This study, using a descriptive-analytical approach, examines the supportive and confrontational policies of the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphs in dealing with scholars and followers of Islamic sects and intellectual movements. The main goal is to analyze the mechanisms of power towards scientific and ideological movements and their impact on the formation and development of religions in the Islamic world. During the Umayyad period, policy was generally based on political and security control over ideological opponents, especially Shiites and groups critical of the legitimacy of the caliphate; while limited support was observed for Sunnis and scholars who worked to consolidate the power of the caliphs. During the Abbasid period, although at the beginning of the government, a policy of closeness to the Alawites and scholars was pursued to provide legitimacy, gradually, as the structure of the caliphate strengthened, strict approaches were adopted towards opposing movements and also intervention in theological disputes, such as the Muhna affair and support for the Mu'tazilites. The results of the research show that the interaction or confrontation between the caliphs and the scholars was not based on a doctrinal perspective but rather on political considerations and due to their need for legitimacy and maintaining the authority and coherence of the central power. In general, the religious policies of these two governments paved the way for the institutionalization of jurisprudential-theological schools and the formation of lasting divisions in the history of Islam.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Pathology of the Approach to Religion and Religious Forces in the Memoirs of Political Elites of the Second Pahlavi Period (Case Study of Asadollah Alam's Notes)</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_733120.html</link>
      <description>Like many previous governments, the Pahlavi regime faced numerous opponents within Iran's borders. This government, with an authoritarian approach, always sought to suppress opposition forces and expand its totalitarian power. The elites present in the regime's political apparatus systematically participated in the suppression and provided political advice to the Shah. One of the elites who influenced the direction of this government in the political and social events of the 1960s and 1970s was Asadollah Alam. His view and approach towards religious forces played an influential role in the Shah's decisions. For this reason, Alam's memoirs are able to reveal the strategies and policies of the Shah and the elites around him in dealing with opposition forces. In the present study, the author seeks to examine and study Asadollah Alam's approach towards religious forces in order to reach Alam's mental plan in relation to religious forces while examining and pathologizing it. The research question is: What was Asadollah Alam's view in relation to religious forces? This hypothesis is put forward in response to the above question that Asadollah Alam's view regarding religious forces can be summarized in the form of a spectrum from encouraging-supportive to coercive. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and the method of collecting sources is library-documentary.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Prophet's strategies for unifying the Islamic community</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_734744.html</link>
      <description>The Holy Quran considers the formation of a community free from differences necessary for the realization of the global government of the era of revelation, and in many verses the principle of "difference" in religion has been condemned; but differences in nature, customs, beliefs, and practices have an innate origin. On the other hand, the Prophet considered the unity of the community as the highest interest based on the Quran. Therefore, the present article introduces the strategies of the Prophet for unification in the Islamic society using a descriptive-analytical method and library data collection. The research community is the Holy Quran and the statistical sample is 43 verses related to unity. The findings of the research, citing 43 verses of the Quran on unity, including 11 verses on the necessity of creating a single nation in the Quran, 9 verses on the effects of unity in society, 10 verses on the theoretical strategies of the Prophet on unity, which include attention to the Kaaba, the ideal of monotheism, the miracle of the Quran, and 13 verses on the practical strategies of the Prophet, including the constitution of Medina, negation of ethnic and racial discrimination, creation of social belonging, Arab prejudice, reform of the nature of the introvert, exploitation of the bravery and fearlessness of the Arabs, exploitation of the hospitality of the Arabs, attention to the disadvantaged, and the tolerance and tolerance of the Prophet, show that the Prophet's maximum use of practical strategies of unity indicates the greater impact of this group of strategies in the propagation and spread of Islam.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Iran's Foreign Relations Practices During the Minor Despotism Period, Emphasizing the Approach of Soroush Newspaper (1909 AD/1288 AH)</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_735194.html</link>
      <description>The logic of Iran's foreign relations in the 19th and 20th centuries was accompanied by the superiority of the interests of Western countries. Countries such as Russia and England sometimes achieved their superiority through war and conflict and sometimes through various agreements. As a result, political and economic dependence in the 19th century became a natural thing for Iran. Deep crises and political divisions led to the activity of parties and the press at the beginning of the 20th century. In 1909/1288, the Soroush newspaper was founded in Istanbul at the initiative of the Iranian Prosperity Association and a group of patriotic and freedom-loving writers, which defined its goal as fighting tyranny, re-establishing the constitutional system, and ultimately establishing a national government. In the path to achieving its goals, the Soroush newspaper also paid attention to one reality; re-establishing the constitutional system and establishing a national government without independence is impossible. For this reason, "The Study of Independence" became one of the most frequent titles of the Soroush newspaper, along with "The Study of Freedom". The main goal of this research is to examine Iran's foreign relations during the period of the Minor Autocracy, with an emphasis on the content of the Soroush newspaper, which deals with this issue using a descriptive-analytical method based on library resources.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Evaluation of the cultural and public benefit activities of the Forest Movement with an emphasis on the Forest Newspaper</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_736177.html</link>
      <description>This research evaluates the cultural and public interest activities of the Forest Movement in Gilan, relying on the Forest Newspaper from 1917 to 1921. The Forest Movement, as one of the important movements of the Constitutional Era, sought social, cultural, and political reforms, and the Forest Newspaper, as the main media of the movement, was considered one of the main sources of its knowledge. This newspaper played a fundamental role in explaining the goals and expanding the cultural discourse of the movement. The aim of the present research is to examine the cultural content of this newspaper and evaluate its impact on the social and cultural activities of the movement. The research findings show that the Forest Movement played an active role in implementing numerous reform measures such as providing security, organizing finances, improving roads and bridges, establishing a post office, and supporting refugees from World War I. The Forest Newspaper, in addition to playing an informational role, also played an effective role in crisis management and promoting public welfare. On the other hand, the Forest Movement gained a privileged position in the expansion of cultural and educational discourse and took an important step in the social development of the region by establishing schools, promoting free and equal education for girls and boys, educating children, and even paying attention to compulsory sports. In this regard, the Forest Newspaper has played a role in strengthening the spirit of nationalism, justice, and social identity of the movement by publishing poems and cultural materials. In general, the Forest Movement, by implementing cultural and public benefit programs in Gilan and by reflecting these activities in the Forest Newspaper, not only established its political image, but was also influential in the cultural-educational direction of Gilan society.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Evolution of Muhammad Iqbal Lahori's Poetic Thought from Poetry to Criticism of Western Civilization</title>
      <link>https://nriihs.lu.ac.ir/article_736195.html</link>
      <description>Muhammad Iqbal Lahori is one of the most prominent Muslim poets and thinkers of the twentieth century, who considered poetry a means of awakening man and reviving the spiritual and social life of Islamic societies. The evolution of his poetic thought begins with the stage of romantic and lyrical experiences and gradually manifests itself in the form of poems with epistemological, moral and social themes. The present study, based on the analysis of Iqbal's original works, examines how the intellectual and artistic elements in his poetry have changed and shows that Iqbal, in the transition from youth to maturity, has reconstructed his language, imagery and poetic worldview in connection with the intellectual and historical developments of the time. The findings of the study indicate that Iqbal's poetry is initially based on spiritual passion, oriental lyricism and a kind of human optimism; however, with the increase in philosophical reflections and his encounter with the crises of the modern world, his poetry becomes a tool for criticizing the status quo and presenting a new perspective on man and society. Poems such as "The Parliament of the Devil" show that Iqbal, using symbolic language, allegory, and philosophical satire, criticized the moral and identity collapse of contemporary humanity and spoke of the necessity of returning to spiritual and moral values.</description>
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